Tuesday, December 29, 2015
Tuesday, December 22, 2015
A call to action by Gültan Kışanak, the co-chair of the Union of Southeastern Anatolian Municipalities regarding the recent curfews, the rising death toll, and conflict escalating towards civil war. A series of demands have been voiced in this letter, we hope you may help us in spreading them and calling for the restart of a peace process here in Turkey,
Women's Initiative for Peace
URGENT CALL FOR ACTION and SOLIDARITY!
End military curfew in Kurdish towns of Turkey!
The war in Turkey is intensifying; people, all living beings and history is being destroyed!
As the State becomes more and more ISIS-like, the peoples’ resistance resembles Kobanê!
In the Kurdish towns/provinces of Hakkari, Dargeçit, Sur, Nusaybin, Silopi and Cizre, the State:
• Has removed all doctors’ leaves and permissions, calling all medical equipment personnel to be prepared,
• Has emptied out student dormitories, placing security forces within them instead of students,
• Has swiftly removed teachers from places where it has declared or is planning to declare curfews and perpetrate massacres,
• Is currently preventing entry into and exit from these districts by way of police and military forces,
• Is continuing an endless dispatch of military equipment, ammunition, soldiers and police forces at the highest level possible to these areas. What this means is more killings, greater massacres, destruction and pain.
Since the , indefinite and all day long curfews have been declared 52 times in the 17 districts of 6 different provinces, where 1.3 million people live. As a result:
• More than 140 people have been killed, including 20 women and 26 children.
• The wounded and sick have lost their lives due to the impossibility of timely intervention, as their right to health care has been denied.
• Electrical grids and water systems have been shut down, preventing people from meeting even very basic needs.
• GSM operators have also been rendered inaccessible, denying people their right to communication.
• Children have been denied their right to education.
• Historic mosques, churches and residential areas within the Sur neighborhood, which is a world heritage site, have been damaged, bombed from above, burned down and destroyed.
• People have been displaced, forced to migrate from their homes once again.
• People – and especially women – have been subjected to all kinds of insults, abuse and mistreatment.
We call all women’s organizations, human rights defenders, academics, journalists and politicians to action in order to prevent this murderous attempt to massacre the population in entire districts. We ask you to support the resistance against these policies in each and every place you are, with any and all means you have. Join us and let the Turkish state authorities to know our demands; to lift the military curfew in Kurdish towns, to withdraw police and military forces, to declare a cease-fire, end the policy of isolation upon Abdullah Öcalan and to resume the peace negotiations.
Tuesday, December 15, 2015
LOS ANGELES—Although the only Kurdish filmmaker who’s ever been shortlisted twice for best live action short film at the prestigious Academy Awards, the 35-year-old Sahim Omar Kalifa is unpretentious and friendly.
With a shy smile on his face, Kalifa talks to me on his iPad from his hotel room in Qatar where his film is screened in a festival. This is the second time this director’s work has been shortlisted for the Oscars Short Films award and he has only made three movies so far.
The members of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences selected Bad Hunter among 144 live-action shorts.
But Bad Hunter has already won several awards: The Jury Award for Best Short Film in Montreal, the Silver Spike in Valladolid, the Jury Prize in Dubai and the Special Jury Award at Australia’s Flickerfest. Los Angeles, London, New York and San Francisco screened the top ten movies in December.
The Belgium government and the Kurdish ministry of culture funded Bad Hunter, which was produced by Belgian production company A Private View. The film was shot in the scenic Zakho area (Iraq) and recorded in Kurdish. The film tells the story of the young man, Bahoz who does some hunting in the nearby valleys both as a pass-time and a way to feed his family. “Bahoz is not happy about hunting animals.
He just can’t think of anything better to do. He is a young man who needs to grow up, to become an adult,” says Kalifa who wrote the screenplay with Belgian scriptwriter Jean-Claude van Rijckeghem.
One day this hunter finds an older man raping a young woman in a remote valley. The traumatized woman not only has to deal with the physical and psychological scars of her assault, she needs to make sure her family will never know what happened to her.
“Women in our society who become victims of rape are doubly victimized by their families.’ If they physically survive a rape, the women won’t know how to survive the anger of a family who will want to regain their lost honor.
But the woman of Bad Hunter finds an excellent solution to her problem. Her cleverness creates a twist to the story that surprises and pleases the audience.
In 2013, Kalifa directed Baghdad Messi, which was shortlisted for the Academy Awards last year and it won 60 awards. It is the story of a 10-year-old boy who is obsessed with football and star player Messi. He dreams about becoming a star and meeting his hero but the kid has lost a leg in the Iraq war, a misfortune that directly affects his ability to do what he loves the most. When the day the young boy has been anxiously expecting finally arrives -- watching the Champions League Finale Barcelona and Manchester United-- his television breaks down. This leads to a surprise.
Baghdad Messi was another success that won numerous prizes and was invited for about 150 festivals. Land of the Heroes, Kalifa’s first film, was produced in 2011 and was also a festival darling.
But Kalifa was not born into movie making and success. When he was a child in Zakho, taking photos and recording films was a luxury beyond the reach of the average person. “I had good parents and I was finally able to convince my father to buy me a camera that I could work with and make some money.”
When in 2001 Kalifa went to Belgium, he wasn’t sure what to do with his life. “I told a few people I knew that I liked films and they said I could try to get into a good film school in Brussels.” In 2008, Kalifa received his Master’s Degree from St-Lukas Film School but that was no guarantee for success for a lower-middle-class immigrant.
“I had no money to make films with but I was lucky enough that my graduation film NAN won a Wild Card competition from the Flemish Film Fund in Belgium. I wasn’t allowed to spend the award money on a car or a house and had to make another short film with that money.”
He says that he never predicted that any of his shorts would get this much attention, if any at all. “But this year I really hope, I can make it to the final nomination.
On January 14, the five nominees will be announced and on February 28 the award ceremony will be held.
“My brothers are also trying to make films. People tell me you win awards because you live in Europe and have professional actors. But that’s not true.”
What the jury tends to say about Kalifa’s movie is praising his work for three qualities: his films are “simple, original, and authentic.” Writers and filmmakers know how difficult it is to create something simple. “Some Kurdish filmmakers tend to use heavy political and historical context. But it can work against you. I like to keep my work simple.”
Trying to say too much at once can be self-defeating for Kurdish writers and artists who are often overwhelmed by having to deal with too many untold stories of excessive suffering. Kalifa is currently developing his first feature-length subject ZAGROS with producer Dries Phlypo and writer Jean-Claude van Rijckeghem at A Private View. The story is set in Bakur (Turkish Kurdistan) and Brussels.
He believes there are many gifted Kurds out there who should not be intimidated by obstacles and follow their passion. “Everything is digital and easy now. If you like to make a film, you have equipment at your fingertip.” He picks up his cellphone and holds it before the Skype camera.
Adele (L) and Kurdish singer Ahmet Kaya. Photo: AFP
LOS ANGELES - The daughter of legendary Kurdish singer Ahmet Kaya says allegation that British singer Adele has plagiarized from her late father are being investigated, and that her family is not ready to make any accusations.
The Kurdish singer’s name appeared in the international media recently, when his fans accused Adele of plagiarising his song. Kaya’s 1985 hit "Acilara Tutunmak," which means “clinging to pain,” is believed to have astounding similarities with “A Million Year Ago” of Adele’s third album, “25.”
“We heard about the incident indeed,” Ahmet Kaya’s daughter, Melis Kaya, told Rudaw.
“There is a harmonic similarity between two songs, yet we left it to the music experts and lawyers. Also, we contacted our edition company in London. We believe that fans are somehow being a bit too excited about it though; it's not fair to accuse someone with something which is uncertain,” she said.
She added that the deceased singer’s recording companies in London and Istanbul are investigating the matter, but the family refuses to make any accusations just yet.
The international pop singer of the UK’s biggest-selling number one album of all time, Adele was once before accused of plagiarism in October, when Tom Waits’ fans pointed out similarities between Adele’s “Hello” and Waits’ “Martha.”
The international pop singer of the UK’s biggest-selling number one album of all time, Adele was once before accused of plagiarism in October, when Tom Waits’ fans pointed out similarities between Adele’s “Hello” and Waits’ “Martha.”
If the latest allegations about plagiarising from Kaya prove to be accurate, the pop singer may end up in a court.
Outraged fans of Kaya stormed Twitter with accusations of plagiarism.
Ahmet Kaya, who was a cab driver before the world discovered his astonishing talent for music, bravely stood up for Kurds in the 90s era in Turkey, when anti-Kurdish sentiments there were at a peak.
"Because I have Kurdish roots, my next song will be in Kurdish. And the video will be in Kurdish. I know there are brave people who will broadcast it," Kaya said in Istanbul in 1999.
Because of his speech, he received cruel messages and even death threats. At the time, the singer was among the very few voices who protested to the extreme oppression against Kurds in Turkey.
After the Turkish state and media attacked him for his comments and accused him of having sung before the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), he fled to Paris. A year later, he was sentenced by the Turkish government in absentia.
When in November 2000 the controversial singer died of a heart attack, his music was still banned in Turkey.
Years after his death Turkey finally removed the ban on Kaya's music and the singer Serdar Ortac, who had taken part in the backlash against Kaya, officially apologized.
Kaya is buried in the famous Père Lachaise Cemetery in Paris.
This article was originally published HERE
Tuesday, December 1, 2015
From 25 November through 10 December, Human Rights Day, is the United Nations-sponsored 16 days of activism against gender-based violence. At this time, conversations tend to revolve around Boko Haram’s kidnapping of school girls, or the Islamic State’s treatment of Yezidi women as “spoils of war” where they were reduced to sex slaves—no longer humans.
Thinking about less extreme yet still relevant cases, many protests against “honour” killings are staged in major cities around the world. Though it is hard to fathom, globally an average 5,000 honour killings happen per year, according to the UN.
But where do such extreme cases against women begin? Can they be prevented at an earlier stage?
Violence against women can take on much more subtle forms than killing or kidnapping. It starts with an idea, the thought that women are inferior to men, that they are less than human, that they do not exist as independent individuals but they are "created" mainly to please men. In Kurdish and many other cultures women are commonly spoken about or referred to by the roles they play in relation to a man: somebody’s mother, daughter or wife.
Long before we can physically take a human beings life, we start to kill them in our minds. The “male gaze” and the perception that removes the human face from a woman and denigrates her to a mere object of desire can be a seed for future physical violence. In most cultures, including Kurdish culture, men are rarely held accountable for their gazes and instead women are often pressured to dress conservatively. Women are blamed and the men are not taught to change their views.
Another common unjust perception of women in Kurdish society is that a woman’s main duties are to serve men, cook, clean, and raise children. In such a society, active participation of women in most roles are discouraged--except, of course, in armed resistance and in promoting nationalistic views. Managing a company, playing sports, or expressing individuality in any form is thus inherently invading men’s territory.
How women are seen, literally and figuratively, is also reflected in language. Everyday language gives an inferior position to women. In Kurdish, for example, a woman does not choose a spouse, rather she “ba sho adre”--is someone’s daughter who is given to a man. By implication, her father is the decision maker, the unstated subject in the expression, the one who gives the daughter to another man.
The very concepts of “gheirat, sharaf, or namoos” roughly translated to “honour” in English requires men to exert full control over a woman’s body who is related to them: their wife, sisters, mother, cousins and sometimes even women in the neighbourhood.
These concepts are double-edge swords that not only subjugate women but also put a significant amount of pressure on men to prove their control. A man who cannot safeguard his female family member’s “chastity” (another problematic term) will find his masculine identity threatened.
Verbal violence also gets promoted in the sexist jokes that present a woman as a dullard, incapable of thinking. These jokes produce and reproduce demeaning images of women, and a seemingly harmless joke can penetrate a society’s conscious and subconscious mind and enhance unfair views of women.
Hence, a lot of invisible violence against women is repeated daily in the way women are seen and referred to in everyday language.
But a society in which subtle emotional and verbal abuses go unnoticed is an unhealthy society that will produce an unhealthy next generation, creating a vicious circle. Children who witness spousal violence are also victims of violence.
According to the UNISEF, an estimated 375 million children around the world are exposed to domestic violence. In the United States alone, 95% of the domestic violence cases involve female victims of male partners. Psychologists believe that children who have to bear witness to their parent’s harsh treatments of each other are 80 percent more likely to become victims of violence or turn into victimizers in the future.
It is no surprise then that the 2015 World Economic Forum global gender gap report shows Middle Eastern countries are some of the worst countries for women to live in. Syria, Iran, Yemen, Pakistan, Lebanon, and Saudi Arabia have some of the lowest rankings among the 145 countries.
UN reports that globally “a staggering one in three women have experienced physical or sexual violence in their lifetime—a pandemic of global proportions. Unlike an illness, however, perpetrators and even entire societies choose to commit violence—and can choose to stop. Violence is not inevitable. It can be prevented.”
Thus, to prevent physical violence, Kurdish society needs to be better educated about verbal and psychological abuses that tend to be less visible than broken bones or bruised eyes. A society in which making fun of a woman’s appearance is commonplace is a society that paves the way for unfortunate physical violence.
Sunday, November 29, 2015
Dearest Ava, I just finished reading your powerful story Lullaby. No title could be more appropriate.
Even though this is a short story (not a poem) the words are so carefully chosen, the rhythm is perfect, and the story evolves effortlessly and allows you to identify, relate to and connect with the characters. Few words are spent on the mother and yet we imagine her strong but struggling, and eventhough she suffers, as a mother who is in pain in front of the oppression and torture exercised on her son, she finds the right words to console and strengthen her son's spirits.
Thank you Ava for making us aware of this terrible and ungrounded injustice. Let's hope that soon man's mind will understand how futile, vane and vicious he is and will look for a higher goal and truthful meaning in human life.
You express your awareness and pain with depth and delicacy. I'm happy to have met you!
A big hug from wintery Milan,
Monday, November 23, 2015
Saturday, November 21, 2015
Thursday, November 19, 2015
Against all the odds and the predictions of the analysts and intellectuals, Recep Tayyib Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) won back the majority they had lost in the June election. Even those who predicted that AKP will win back the majority were surprised by the fact that AKP won 317 seats in a nine percent increase in the votes.
Even though the pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party (HDP) saw some decline in votes, it was the right-wing National Movement Party (MHP) that lost half of their support and now maintain only 40 seats of the 80 seats they gained in June.
In the first few days after winning back the majority of votes, Erdogan resumed cracking down on dissidents, and killing civilians and guerillas in the Kurdish majority Southeast.
The country that was steadily moving forward in the early twentieth century and had aspirations to join the European Union is now moving away from progress.
The election results were unpredictable because many analysts believed that Erdogan’s strategies in creating instability would backfire and Turks will disappoint him (AKP) in the elections. Turkish citizens, however, worried about their safety and economy and changed their minds about their June ballots and voted Erdogan back to power.
But what caused such a significant change in election results from June to November?
What analysts underestimated was how deeply polarized Turkey is, and has been.
Even though the Ottoman Empire was ethnically and religiously diverse, the nationalism that the Turkish Republic's founder, Mustafa Kamal Ataturk introduced and fostered is driven by a lack of acceptance.
In the 1920s, Turkish became the only legal language in a country where people spoke many different languages. For example, Kurds are a sizable majority in Turkey (roughly 10-15 percent) whose mother tongue was banned outright until only a few years ago. In the 1940s and 1950s, Kurds’ existence was summarily denied, and their distinct culture became condemned and referred to as “mountain Turks” or "eastern Turks who forgot their language."
This policy of marginalization has roots deep in Turkish history
From an early age, Turkish nationalism with its emphasis on exclusion is engrained into the minds of the school children. Regardless of what ethnic or religious group they belong to, children have to say their pledge of allegiance every morning before class. “I am Turkish,” they have to scream at the top of their voice before entering their classrooms, and “Happy is the one who calls himself a Turk,” affirmed by Mustafa Kamal Ataturk in the early days of Republic of Turkey, continues to be a popular motto among Turks.
Within a culture where Turkish identity is not just the superior culture, but the only fully accepted culture, it is no surprise that many Turks grow up hating Kurds and other minorities. Turkish society rarely debates why these groups continue to be persecuted.
The Turkish journalist, Asli Aydintasbas, wrote in the New York Times about her generation of Turks. “Instead of questioning why Kurds weren’t allowed to speak their own language, live in their own villages or sing their own songs, we blamed the Kurdistan Workers Party, or P.K.K., which had been waging a guerrilla war against Turkey since 1984, for all of Turkey’s woes.”
With deep-rooted hatred, it is clear why Turks turned a blind eye or sided with their government when in the '90s Turkey committed horrendous atrocities in the Southeast. Turkish army burned down Kurdish villages, arrested, tortured and killed thousands of civilians and guerillas.
The wound from the terror of those days runs deep in the veins of the country. Hundreds of murders have remained unsolved. Turkish Colonel Cemal Temizoz’s case, under review since 2009 for murdering 21 Kurds, was dismissed this week by an Istanbul court. In 2012, the Council of Europe saw the legal case as an “opportunity to shed light on a period of systematic human rights abuses in southeast Turkey.”
However, no light was shed. Three decades ago 40,000 people were killed, mainly Kurds, and no one has been brought to justice.
“Turkey has a history of impunity for the state’s forces…Denying justice for its citizens means the wounds cannot heal,” Emma Sinclair-Webb of Human Rights Watch told AP. Not only Erdogan does not want the wounds to heal, but also he triggers them to divide and rule.
The periphery southeastern town Cizre was once again under seized in September and 20 civilians were killed in clashes between Turkey and the PKK. Re-seizing Cizre was a strategic move. It wasn’t just to put a town in around-the-clock curfew. This was a calculated move to invoke the horrors of the '90s, to trigger a historic pain and citizen’s emotions have been manipulated so a lost power can once again be regained. Erdogan tapped into Kurdophobia to win back his power without thinking about how that will damage his nation.
STATE OF EXCEPTION
Giorgio Agamben in State of Exception, talks about the post-September 11 era in America when President George W. Bush tried to produce a “situation in which the emergency becomes the rule, and the very distinction between peace and war (and between foreign and civil war) becomes impossible.”
In this case, the State of exception and emergency was just what Erdogan created to scare people into submission. The message was clear. If you want stability—Erdogan pointed out repeatedly—AKP will give it to you. “I hope our nation makes its choice for stability,” Erdogan said after casting his vote.
Erdogan’s strategy was also reminiscent of Niccolo Machiavelli’s politics of fear. In The Prince, Machiavelli writes that a ruler should be feared not loved:
“For men are less concerned with hurting someone who makes himself loved than one who makes himself feared, because love is held by a link of obligation which, since men are wretched creatures, is broken every time their own interests are at stake; but fear is held by a dread of punishment which will never leave you.”
In Machiavelli’s highly demoralized perspective, humans are by nature selfish and therefore, they have to be controlled by fear, not by morals. Erdogan might share some of that perspective especially now that he had his major comeback.
But Turkey’s real vote was the one cast in June when citizens were not breathing an air of terror and division.
LACK OF FREE EXPRESSION
Lack of free expression is the last major reason that affected the outcome of the November election. Fair elections cannot happen in a closed environment.
The Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TNT) has reportedly discriminated in airtime between the ruling party and other parties.
“The TRT gave 30 hours of airtime to the AK Party over the past 25 days and 29 hours to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,” said Ersin Ongel, a board member of a member of the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK).
On the other hand, HDP was only given 18 minutes of airtime in Turkey’s main state broadcasting corporation! The MHP was provided one hour and 10 minutes in total, comparatively.
But this is not news. Turkey has a history of persecuting journalists. In 2012, Turkey was the world’s biggest prisons for Media. Throughout the years, numerous journalists have been imprisoned in Turkey because of their work, including Mohammed Ismael Rasool of Vice News as well as Dutch journalist Frederike Greerdink.
Thus, through creating a sense of emergency, stimulating old wounds, and stopping freedom of speech, Erdogan intimated Turkish citizens into submission but the price the country has yet to pay for this decision may be high.
Turkish citizens now enter greater uncertainty as Erdogan seem to be entering his country into a civil war by reinstating attacks on the armed Kurdish resistance group of PKK.
As the media will forget about Erdogan’s games and will focus on atrocities elsewhere, citizens in Turkey will have to deal with their President's insatiable thirst for power and his undemocratic ways.